Diana Shypovych
Weaponizing the body
The Russian forces are now committing many war crimes in Ukraine. Sexual violence is one of them.
What are the aims and consequences of it?
What are the aims and consequences of it?
When we think about ‘war’ the first kind of weapons that come to mind are probably tanks, guns, or planes. However, other less obvious methods of combat are also often employed. Sexual violence is one of them. It is used as a war tactic to inflict terror and break the enemy; it is tolerated by military leaders; and committed by individuals when they have an opportunity. Recognised as a war crime and a crime against humanity, sexual violence often does not receive sufficient attention. Victims continue to suffer from short- and long-term consequences, while the authorities and international institutions struggle to address the issue of sexual violence.
This article addresses sexual violence committed by the Russian soldiers in Ukraine, its aims, consequences, and the response from the international community.
This article addresses sexual violence committed by the Russian soldiers in Ukraine, its aims, consequences, and the response from the international community.
Sexual violence is often used as a weapon of war because it is cheap, easy and extremely effective in breaking the enemy. The main aim is to assert dominance and control by physically appropriating and dehumanising the people. Sexual violence could also break the morale of the people, as they become ready to do anything to stop the suffering of their loved ones. So, sexual violence targets both the individual and society.
In her article ‘Why is sexual violence so common in war?’ Kirthi Jayakumar, a legal researcher and lawyer perfectly summarises this idea: ‘Rape and sexual violence at the micro level can be a product of lustful intentions, mental disorders or depravity, as criminology offers. However, at the macro level – where the cases are not individual instances, but a collective of several individual instances that happen at dizzying speed, it is about dominance.'
In her article ‘Why is sexual violence so common in war?’ Kirthi Jayakumar, a legal researcher and lawyer perfectly summarises this idea: ‘Rape and sexual violence at the micro level can be a product of lustful intentions, mental disorders or depravity, as criminology offers. However, at the macro level – where the cases are not individual instances, but a collective of several individual instances that happen at dizzying speed, it is about dominance.'
As for the consequences of sexual violence for the victims, psychological ones include stigmatisation and long-term psychological disorders such as post-traumatic stress disorder, depression and anxiety. Physical effects could include sexually transmitted diseases, unwanted pregnancies and traumatic injuries.
But the consequences also go far beyond individual suffering. The spread of diseases, the destruction of family ties and the infliction of harm over generations affect communities and societies, leaving the scar of the war. Furthermore, sexual violence reinforces gender inequalities between men and women, as women are often the main victims of it. It also normalises sexual violence, even after a conflict has ended, as many victims continue living with their traumatic experience, often turning the blame on themselves. As forced displacement and life in occupation make it challenging for victims to access health care, psychological resources, and law enforcement, the consequences of sexual violence may worsen over time.
In the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war, sexual violence is committed by Russian soldiers on an unimaginable scale. United Nations released a report in October 2022 which concluded that the Russian forces have committed the "vast majority" of human rights violations that ever exist during only the first two months of the war. Those crimes involve the widespread perpetration of rape and sexual violence, with the victims ranging in age from four to eighty years old.
Pramila Patten, the UN special representative of the secretary-general on sexual violence in conflict, highlights that Russian forces use rape as a "military strategy," and a "deliberate tactic to dehumanize the victims." At the same time, First Lady Olena Zelenska emphasises that Russian forces are using sexual violence "systematically and openly" and that it was "another weapon in their arsenal".
Since the onset of the war, the UN had verified around one hundred cases of rape. Many victims are sharing their stories with international media, empowering others to stand up against Russia and the evil it brings.
However, we must realise that the reported number of sex crimes is significantly smaller than it really is, as many victims are located in the occupied territories and cannot contact the officials. Also, many may remain silent due to the stigma and trauma associated with sexual violence. Others could be killed by the Russian forces who attempt to hide their atrocities. So, we may never find out the real number of people whose lives were (and continue to be) destroyed by the Russian army.
Pramila Patten, the UN special representative of the secretary-general on sexual violence in conflict, highlights that Russian forces use rape as a "military strategy," and a "deliberate tactic to dehumanize the victims." At the same time, First Lady Olena Zelenska emphasises that Russian forces are using sexual violence "systematically and openly" and that it was "another weapon in their arsenal".
Since the onset of the war, the UN had verified around one hundred cases of rape. Many victims are sharing their stories with international media, empowering others to stand up against Russia and the evil it brings.
However, we must realise that the reported number of sex crimes is significantly smaller than it really is, as many victims are located in the occupied territories and cannot contact the officials. Also, many may remain silent due to the stigma and trauma associated with sexual violence. Others could be killed by the Russian forces who attempt to hide their atrocities. So, we may never find out the real number of people whose lives were (and continue to be) destroyed by the Russian army.
International law provides wide protection against sexual violence, such as the International Criminal Court (ICC) which has the authority to bring charges against perpetrators of war crimes including sexual violence and initiate trial proceedings. The ICC has already launched an investigation into alleged war crimes in Ukraine, and the first Russian soldier was charged with rape in June (he was tried in absentia). Ukrainian activists, volunteers, the government and civil society organizations are collecting evidence and documentation of war crimes to create a record and build evidence for future prosecutions in collaboration with the UN and other international bodies.
However, even if charges are put against Russian perpetrators, there are at least two problems that can slow down the justice process. Firstly, it can take years for investigations to turn into legal action. Secondly, the punishments could be challenging to implement as Russia has ratified the Rome Statute, the treaty governing ICC jurisdiction.
However, even if charges are put against Russian perpetrators, there are at least two problems that can slow down the justice process. Firstly, it can take years for investigations to turn into legal action. Secondly, the punishments could be challenging to implement as Russia has ratified the Rome Statute, the treaty governing ICC jurisdiction.
Another international body that provides support to Ukraine in addressing sexual violence is the World Health Organization (WHO). It attempts to deal with the significant shortages in medical resources and psychological care in Ukraine by providing two-day training to Ukrainian healthcare workers, teaching them how to provide survivor-centred care to victims of sexual and gender-based violence by identifying signs of sexual violence, providing medical and psychosocial care, and referring victims to legal and social services. Such training has been administered to healthcare workers from Ukraine's Odesa, Dnipropetrovsk, and Kyiv regions.
However, prevention is often better than care, and unfortunately, the success of international bodies in the prevention of sexual violence in the Russo-Ukrainian war is small. The situation could be improved by the development of a framework of Ukraine-specific responses, considering the circumstance of the war, the culture of the victims and their location. Plus, international bodies could invest in local organizations that help the victims of sexual violence in the short- and long term.
Finally, sexual violence and other war crime would be stopped if Russia loses the war. And everyone could make a contribution to Ukraine’s victory by donating to Ukrainian charities and spreading awareness.
Please consider donating to these charities to stand with Ukraine:
However, prevention is often better than care, and unfortunately, the success of international bodies in the prevention of sexual violence in the Russo-Ukrainian war is small. The situation could be improved by the development of a framework of Ukraine-specific responses, considering the circumstance of the war, the culture of the victims and their location. Plus, international bodies could invest in local organizations that help the victims of sexual violence in the short- and long term.
Finally, sexual violence and other war crime would be stopped if Russia loses the war. And everyone could make a contribution to Ukraine’s victory by donating to Ukrainian charities and spreading awareness.
Please consider donating to these charities to stand with Ukraine:
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